“Wouldn’t
it be a hell of a joke,” the black comic Dick Gregory used to tease
his white audiences, “if all this was burnt cork and you people
were being tolerant for nothing?”
This
line brings to the surface much of the underlying irony and
complexity of African-American humor, not only in its gentle mocking
of whites, but in hinting that much black comedy remains hidden
behind masks. As Mel Watkins argues in this brilliant study of black
humor from slavery through the modern period, the subordinate social
status of African Americans has forced them to create a style of
humor relying on subversion, allegory and indirection in the face of
white dominance. At the same time, an underground comic tradition
developed that adopted a more aggressive stance toward whites.
A
brief summary cannot do justice to the scope and subtlety of Watkins’
survey. Much of the discussion of African-American history has
focused on the extent to which blacks have resisted or accommodated
themselves to white hegemony. But, as Watkins understands, the issue
is much more complicated than this simple formulation, as the
traditions of resistance and accommodation have historically
coexisted and intermingled, not only in the black community as a
whole, but often within individuals. Similarly, humor that signals a
nuanced character-study in an all-black setting might become a
one-dimensional stereotype in an interracial context.
The
issue is further complicated by the different readings whites and
blacks might give the same joke. For whites, this story of a slave
and his master would serve as an example of black ignorance, while
for blacks it would demonstrate the indirection and satire developed
during slavery.
“Pompey,
how do I look?” the master asked . . .
“Why,
suh, you looks just like a lion.”
“Why,
Pompey, where have you ever seen a lion?”
“I
saw one down in yonder field the other day, massa.”
“Pompey,
you foolish fellow, that was a jackass.”
“Was
it massa? Well, suh, you looks just like him.”
As
Watkins says, “The distinctive character of authentic
African-American humor—sometimes ironic, evasive, and oblique,
sometimes playful and purely entertaining, and sometimes aggressively
militant—was well-established by the early nineteenth century.”
But this brand of humor was not allowed into the larger cultural
arena in unadulterated form. Minstrel shows, for instance, borrowed
extensively in both form and content from black humor, but in the
process created a one-dimensional caricature of blacks (portrayed by
whites in blackface) as ignorant buffoons, which became the dominant
cultural image. From then on, black entertainers who wished to enter
the mainstream were forced to conform to this image.
In
a series of fascinating character portraits, Watkins describes the
ways in which a variety of artists, such as vaudeville performer Bert
Williams and film star Stepin Fetchit, worked variations on this
stereotype. At the same time, the underground tradition of black
humor continued and often entered into the dominant culture in ironic
ways. When the Amos ‘n’ Andy Show
switched from radio to television, for
instance, and the characters were played by black rather than white
actors, it presented, Watkins says, “the most eccentric, vivid and
authentic example of African-American humor that had ever been
brought before an integrated audience.” Especially in Tim Moore’s
portrayal of Kingfish—with his malapropisms (“Put your John
Hamhock on dere”), constant scheming and hatred of manual labor—did
the show tap a deep root in black folk tradition. “Moore’s
Kingfish,” Watkins writes, “was not simply the trifling, scheming
parasite that he is often made out to be; for many African-Americans,
he mirrored an iconoclastic impulse that had lingered since slavery.
In many ways he personified the irreverent trickster who refused to
be contained or thwarted by a society that merely tolerated his
existence.”
But
not all black audiences celebrated the authentic folk humor of Amos
‘n’ Andy. Especially among
the black middle class there has historically been a concerted effort
to regulate the image of the black community that is conveyed to
whites. For this reason, civil rights organizations brought pressure
on CBS and eventually forced the show’s cancellation.
In
the 1960s, the underground tradition of black humor began to emerge
more fully into the mainstream. The popularity of Gregory’s
cerebral satire, Bill Cosby’s infectious story-telling and Flip
Wilson’s recognizable folk types signaled the variety and
complexity of black humor. But not until the success of Richard Pryor
in the 1970s did authentic black humor appear in the broader culture
with a full and appropriate obscenity. Pryor, Watkins says, “was
the first African-American stand-up comedian to speak candidly and
successfully to integrated audiences the way black people joked among
themselves when most critical of America.”
“Multiculturalism,”
the historian David Roediger has written, “is not a fad hatched by
plotting academics, but a profound reality in America’s past and
present.” As Watkins shows, black humor has affected American
culture deeply as a whole, though whites only gradually and
reluctantly have come to recognize this influence. As Gregory once
said, the “little things I knew as a Negro couldn’t be used until
the public discovered them. They know about most of them now.”
No comments:
Post a Comment