In Robert Bolt's classic play A Man For All Seasons, William
Roper asks Thomas More, "You'd give the Devil benefit of the
law?"
More replies, "Yes, what would you do? Cut a great road through
the law to get after the Devil?"
"I'd cut down every law in England to do that!" Roper
replies.
"Oh?" More says. "And when the last law was down, and
the Devil turned round on you—where would you hide, Roper, the laws
all being flat? This country's planted thick with laws from coast to
coast—man’s laws, not God’s—and if you cut them down—and
you’re just the man to do it—d’you really think you could stand
upright in the winds that would blow then? Yes, I'd give the Devil
benefit of the law, for my own safety's sake."
A quick survey across today’s America reveals a country filled with
Ropers willing to deny the rights of free speech and academic freedom
to a wide variety of devils. For instance, a promotions committee at
the University of North Carolina-Wilmington denied Mike Adams, an
associate professor of criminology, elevation to full professor
status in 2006, allegedly for his writings attacking diversity, gay
rights and feminism (Exhibit A: a chapter in one of his books titled
“Behind Every Successful Man, There’s a Fat, Stupid Woman”).
Adams sued, and earlier this year a federal court ruled in his favor.
Despite this particular victory, academic freedom remains under
widespread assault from a variety of sources. A bill passed by the
Michigan state senate this year, for instance, would levy a $500,000
penalty against any state institution that teaches labor history. Or,
in Holyoke, Mass., the school board refused to renew the contract of
a teacher, recently elected president of his local union, who had
spoken out against “data walls” that publicly displayed students’
test scores at a school committee meeting. And in Belleville, NJ, a
teacher—also a local union president—has been suspended and
threatened with firing for protesting against a surveillance system
installed by the school district to monitor students and teachers.
As George Orwell once wrote, “Governments make laws, but whether
they are carried out . . . depends on the general temper of the
country. If large numbers of people are interested in freedom of
speech, there will be freedom of speech, even if the law forbids it;
if public opinion is sluggish, inconvenient minorities will be
persecuted, even if laws exist to prevent them.”
Orwell went
on to say, "even those who declare themselves to be in favor of
freedom of opinion generally drop their claim when it is their own
adversaries who are being persecuted." Thus did Louisiana
Governor Bobby Jindal complain about the lack of tolerance shown
toward Duck Dynasty’s Phil Robertson’s opinions, but then
quickly turned around and sued the policy group MoveOn.org for its
billboard criticizing Jindal’s failure to expand Medicaid in his
state. In April, a federal judge ruled in MoveOn’s favor. A victory
for free speech, but the legal costs incurred by MoveOn likely create
a chilling effect for others who might disagree with Jindal’s
policies.
Or take the case of the National Rifle Association, which is based on
the idea of Second Amendment absolutism, but is much less particular
about the First Amendment. The NRA has pressured the University of
Kansas’ Board of Regents to institute a new policy sharply
restricting what faculty and staff may say on social media after one
associate professor tweeted a criticism of the NRA. The new policy
prohibits employees from saying anything “contrary to the best
interests of the university.” The NRA also has pushed for laws like
Florida’s 2011 “Privacy of Firearm Owners” bill making it a
crime for pediatricians, concerned about the potential hazards of
unsecured firearms, even to ask patients whether they have guns in
their houses, punishable by a fine of $10,000 and revocation of the
doctor’s license.
In his classic 1859 work On Liberty, British political
philosopher John Stuart Mill commented, “the peculiar evil of
silencing the expression of an opinion is that it is robbing the
human race, posterity as well as the existing generation—those who
dissent from the opinion, still more than those who hold it. If the
opinion is right, they are deprived of the opportunity of exchanging
error for truth; if wrong, they lose, what is almost as great a
benefit, the clearer perception and livelier impression of truth
produced by its collision with error.”
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