When Pope Francis decried "the tyranny of capitalism" late
last year, many American conservatives reproached the pontiff.
In his “apostolic exhortation,” Francis charged, "The
worship of the ancient golden calf has returned in a new and ruthless
guise in the idolatry of money and the dictatorship of an impersonal
economy lacking a truly human purpose."
In
reply, Bill O’Reilly commented, “Pope
Francis said that income inequality is immoral. . . . I don’t know
if Jesus is going to be down with that,” while Rush Limbaugh termed
Francis’ remarks “pure Marxism.”
In fact, though, Francis' entreaties echo similar warnings in the
seminal work of capitalism, Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. Limbaugh might more accurately accuse the pope of “pure Smithism.”
Published
in the momentous year of 1776, The Wealth of Nations challenged
the dominant theory of the day, mercantilism, which argued that
economic activity must be subservient to the state. In contrast,
Smith reversed the emphasis, arguing that individual liberty provided
the basis of economic activity, and that the driving social force was
self-interest. In his famous formulation, “It is not from the
benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect
our dinner, but from their regard to their self-interest. We address
ourselves, not to their humanity, but to their self-love, and never
talk to them of our necessities, but of their advantages.”
In
the half-century after Smith died in 1790, his theories were mainly
championed by the rising class of industrialists who embraced his
theories of free trade without government interference.
But
Smith's philosophy cannot be understood as simply an
eighteenth-century variation of Gordon Gekko's "greed is good."
In fact, Smith strongly distrusted this new class of industrialists,
which he condemned for its “mean rapacity.”
As economist Robert Heilbroner has written, “It is not [Smith’s]
aim to espouse the interests of any class. He is concerned with
promoting the wealth of the entire nation. And wealth, to Adam
Smith, consists of the goods that all the people of society consume;
note all—this is a democratic, and hence radical, philosophy
of wealth.”
And thus Smith might say, about proposals to raise the minimum wage,
“What improves the circumstances of the greater part can never be
regarded as an inconveniency to the whole. No society can surely be
flourishing and happy, of which the far greater part of the members
are poor and miserable. It is but equity, besides, that they who
feed, clothe, and lodge the whole body of the people, should have
such a share of the produce of their own labor as to be themselves
well fed, clothed, and lodged.”
He likely would add, “That a little more plenty than ordinary may
render some workmen idle, cannot well be doubted; but that it should
have that effect upon the greater part, or that men in general should
work better when they are ill fed than when they are well fed, when
they are disheartened than when they are in good spirits, when they
are frequently sick than when they are in good health, seems not very
probable.”
As
to the excess profits of the 1%, Smith would comment: “Our
merchants and master-manufacturers complain much of the bad effects
of high wages in raising the price, and thereby lessening the sale of
their goods both at home and abroad. They say nothing concerning the
bad effects of high profits. They are silent with regard to the
pernicious effects of their own gains. They complain only of those of
other people.”
In fact, Smith despised the opulence and conspicuous consumption of
the wealthy. “With the greater part of rich people, the chief
enjoyment of riches consists in the parade of riches, which in their
eye is never so complete as when they appear to possess those
decisive marks of opulence which nobody can possess but themselves.”
As
for taxation policies, Smith advocated from each according to
ability. “The subjects of every state ought to contribute towards
the support of the government, as nearly as possible, in proportion
to their respective abilities; that is, in proportion to the revenue
which they respectively enjoy under the protection of the state.”
One
of the major themes of Wealth of Nations is for people to
understand self-interest not in a particular and short-term sense,
but in the concept that the wealth of one lies in increasing the
wealth of all. The pope couldn’t have said it better.
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